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ELLSWORTH BUNKER ORAL HISTORY, INTERVIEW I PREFERRED CITATION
Transcript, Ellsworth Bunker Oral History Interview I, 12/9/80, by Michael L. Gillette, Internet Copy, LBJ Library.
INTERVIEW I
DATE: December 9, 1980
INTERVIEWEE: ELLSWORTH BUNKER
INTERVIEWER: MICHAEL L. GILLETTE
PLACE: Ambassador Bunker's residence, Washington, D.C.

G: Let me ask you about pacification. g. How would you define the pacification program?
B:Well, the pacification program had two sides at least to it. One was the question of the hamlet and village security. That was the primary objective. The second objective, also equally important, was the economic aspect. And third, the political. So that pacification was, you see, a well-rounded program in which the rural self-defense forces were involved, training of civilians in defense. Economic development was equally important. And you remember the village elections, council elections, were held all over the country also beginning in 1967. So that it was the development of a conscious part in the government of the people at the local level that really was involved in the pacification program, self-help program. (Interruption)
G: Let me ask you about the CORDS program, Civil Operations and Revolutionary Development Support, as part of pacification. Do you recall that?
B:Yes. Oh, yes, very well. That was the principal part of pacification as far as Komer was concerned and his duties. That was really a very essential part of our whole program in Vietnam.
G: What specifically did this involve?
B:Self-government at the local level. Revolutionary development is really a misnomer; rural development would be the better [name] for it. We called it revolutionary development, but I think we got changing it as it went along. [We called it] revolutionary development because in the beginning it was developing local political self-consciousness and self-government at the local level. But the reason I say it was rural development in this other sense was it involved agriculture, too, fisheries, agriculture, all of the economic activities involved at the village level, at the local level. So that it was a comprehensive program and a very important one. It involved, as I say, security first, the training of the local citizenry. One indication of the confidence the government had in support of the citizenry was the fact that they distributed, if I remember correctly, six hundred thousand weapons at large in the countryside. Well, if you felt uncertain about the loyalty of the people, you wouldn't give them arms they could use against you. I mean, I think it was a mark of confidence that the government had that they had the support of the citizenry. Anyhow, that was an important part, training both men and women, too, in this hamlet and village self-defense.
G: Did you have any feedback to the extent or evaluation to determine if in fact that the arms were falling into friendly hands rather than potential Viet Cong?
B: Oh, yes. Oh, yes. Except where the Viet Cong could come in and capture them, we never had any indication they were ever turned over to the Viet Cong.
G: How about the Phoenix program?
B:The Phoenix program I think was an important program in unearthing the underground. It was criticized I know here, saying it was an assassination program. It was not an assassination program. People were killed when they resisted arrest, yes, of course. But the great majority of those people were imprisoned and were not executed. There were casualties, of course, because there was resistance, but it was an important program. You see, what happened at Tet was, Tet was a military defeat, a very significant military defeat for the other side, but a psychological victory for them here in the United States because of the press reaction and the way it was reported. And that I think is brought out by Peter Braestrup in his books. But what happened was that the communist side was so confident that the Viet Cong surfaced for the first time, the underground all came up and were identified, many of them killed. I mean, [they] virtually suffered such severe losses at Tet they never recovered from it. But it made them more vulnerable, more identifiable, and hence the Phoenix program became more effective.
G: Was it tied into the Chieu Hoi program at all, the returnee program?
B:Yes. Well, yes it was, where ralliers would come in. In my earlier messages to the President, I think every week I reported about the Chieu Hoi.
G: Do you think that these people who came over and were evidently reimbursed for doing so and joining the South Vietnamese army, do you think they ever slipped back into the jungles and rejoined the Viet Cong?
B:Not many so. Maybe a few, but not many.
G: Really? Our intelligence indicated that--
B:That's right, they didn't go back.
G: Did you talk to many of these people and determine why they were changing sides?
B:I never talked to them personally, no. Our people did, of course. Well, lots of stories came in about the hardships and the North and the difficulty there, and the hardships of fighting in the South, this kind of warfare they were carrying on. Most of these Chieu Hoi people were guerrillas you know, not many of them were the regular military who were living hand-to-mouth and fighting in the jungles.
G: What was Edward Lansdale's role in the pacification program?
B:Well, principally as an adviser, based on his long experience there in that part of the world; principally as an adviser on the local scene--which he knew, I suppose, perhaps better than most of us, most of the people who were there; he'd been there longer--and I think the native culture, psychology, so forth.
G: Was he controversial in official circles?
B:Not with me or there at the time. I think he had been at some time. But I had no problem with him. I thought he was quite effective really.
G: Was he critical at all of pacification, the implementation of it?
B: I don't think he was.
G: I gather this was one of the ARVN's weakest areas, pacification.
B:Well, it may have been. Yes, I suppose perhaps so. They were more concerned really about fighting the war and the enemy. However, I think they cooperated pretty well.
G: William Corson, who was over there, made the criticism that the pacification project should not have to be cleared through the Vietnamese officials. Do you recall this issue?
B:Corson? Now, when was this, do you remember?
G: This would have been I think in the 1967-68 period.
B: I don't even remember, was Corson stationed there?
G: He was with the marines. He was a . . . .
B:Oh, yes, marines. In the North. That's interesting, shouldn't have to be cleared with the Vietnamese? I'd forgotten that. That's interesting. Do you remember how that came out?
G: He wrote a book called The Betrayal.
B: That's right, that's right. I haven't read it. Have you read it?
G: No. I have some notes on it here though.
B:What was the thrust of it?
G: Well, I'm not going to elaborate, since I haven't read it, but I gather he was critical of Komer's performance.
B: Komer's handling of it?
G: Also another issue that seems to have been raised was the method of evaluation of various hamlets.
B:Hamlet evaluation security, yes.
G: The A-B-C-D [rating system].
B:A-B-C-D, yes. A-B-C-D and the communists. Yes, well, like all evaluations it's inexact, of course. It's an approximation, really. But it was an approximation and gave a pretty good idea I think of the general situation. I say, like all evaluations based on judgments, it was not exact, but it did by 1972, end of 1972, you could travel anywhere in the country you wanted to go without any security protection or anything at all.
G: The press argued at the time that the C category, which was the designation of hamlets under government control, were really sort of a toss-up and would thereby in the evaluation total reduce the government control to less than 50 per cent of the population.
B:Well, depending on I think what year you took the evaluation, because the situation kept changing steadily for the better.
G: Did it?
B: Yes.
G: Was this a direct result of pacification, do you think, rather than just military advances?
B: It was a combination of both. No question, a combination of both. The military situation improved and the pacification situation.
G: What did we learn from that pacification experience that you would apply in other situations?
B:Well, I think we did learn the importance of getting the local population people involved in their own situation, not only their own protection, their own economic development, their own political development. This was the whole thrust of the pacification program. It was government at the local level involving defense, involving the political situation, involving the local councils, hamlet chiefs, and the local economic development programs. So it was a rounded approach. I think it applies not only to Vietnam but to other situations in the less developed world.
G: It seems that apathy was a great problem, that so many of the Vietnamese people were not interested in the Viet Cong or the other side, but on the other hand they seemed apathetic about the Thieu-Ky government.
B:A great bulk would prefer to be left alone, obviously. I mean, prefer not to be involved in the war on one side or the other. But I think this is true anywhere in the world you go. I mean, many of them just wished the war would go away. Sure, no question.